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  1. The Mother of All Horror: Witches, Gender and the Films of Dario Argento: Chapter
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In chapter 2, I analyze a novel growing directly out of that debate: Father Bresciani's commercially successful The Jew of Verona, an excellent example of popular attitudes toward Jews inspired by the religious Right in direct reaction to the political upheavals of In chapter 3 I examine the satire of G. Belli, one of Italy's major dialect poets, with close readings of his numerous sonnets devoted to Jewish themes. Chapter 4 is an analysis of three popular novels written over the span of the nineteenth century, by Carlo Varese, G.

Giustina, and Italy's most prolific novelist, Carolina Invernizio.

Finally, in chapter 5 I focus my attention on the early twentieth century, particularly the fateful decade of the s, when writers such as Papini and Puccini, Carli and Callegari returned to the traditional themes about Jews and to images used as much as a century before by Varese and Bresciani. In a study such as this, in which analysis of an endless string of works containing Jewish characters was not desirable, selection of authors was especially important. On Fascist attempts to homogenize the culture and create consensus, see M. Isnenghi, L'educazione dell'Italiano: il fascismo e l'organizzazione della cultura Bologna: Cappelli, Belli's poetry, reproducing popular opinions, since "high art" during the period under investigation was unlikely to afford the necessary effective, direct insight into mass culture.

Finally, all translations are my own unless otherwise noted. I begin my study with the movement to emancipate Jews from the miseries of centuries of ghetto life. I leave my study in , to be precise on 17 November when R.

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The Mother of All Horror: Witches, Gender and the Films of Dario Argento: Chapter

By the evening of that day, a new phase in Italian-Jewish relations had begun. For an introductory discussion of this important topic, see H. Let Italy be your one great love, unsurpassed, unto your last heartbeat, your last thought, your last drop of blood. After God, cherish Italy above every earthly sentiment. Elia Benamozegh Apostolic Roman Catholicism will always be the only State relation; it will never be permitted to practice any other religion. Neapolitan Statutes The long history of the Jewish presence in Italy includes four events of great importance.

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The first was the arrival of large numbers of Spanish Jews expelled from the Iberian peninsula in the s and their addition to a community that had been stable in Italy since Roman times. For the text of Cum nimis absurdum, see K. Jewish residence was generally limited to the northern half of the peninsula.

The Roman Jews did not enjoy their emancipation for long. In , upon Pius IX's return from his self-imposed exile in Gaeta, the Roman ghetto was reinstated and endured as a Jewish enclosure until The fourth was the declaration, less than a century later, of the Fascist racial laws of which resulted, in effect, in a new period of Jewish isolation from an active role in Italian society. Two complementary keys might help us to understand this reversal in the relations between Jews and non-Jews in Italy: the traditional, centuries-old philosophical stance of churchmen, writers, and politicians toward the Jewish presence and the contradictory notions of separateness and brotherhood accepted by the majority of the population.

Yet beyond such traditional assumptions, toward the end of the eighteenth and throughout much of the nineteenth century, more specific discussions took place in Italy regarding the coexistence of the two populations. The process and debate on emancipation within the context of the Risorgimento are the subjects of the following pages. This historical and philosophical background is central to evaluating the literary portrayal of Jews which, in times of political challenge to established values, was in large measure inspired by the conflict between orthodox and heterodox notions of society.

With one eye toward the establishment and duration of the ghetto and one looking forward to the recent phenomenon of Fascist racism, we will confront and evaluate opinion that emerged from the controversy over the position of Jews in Italian society. One such emblematic statement was Benedetto Croce's pronouncement on anti-Semitism: Fortunately [in Italy] there was no trace of that folly called anti-Semitism which consists of reinforcing the separation of the Jews, and [therefore] their solidarity against other peoples, by persecuting them and then expecting to overcome the consequences of persecution with additional persecution, that is, by reproducing the causes of evil instead of trusting in those gradual but reliable equalizers, intelligence and civilization.

Croce, Storia d'Italia dal al Bari: Laterza, , Yet, one wonders, how could old biases have died so very quickly? For, as we will see, stereotypical prejudices about the Jews were frequently expressed in literature preceding the Risorgimento. The Ghetto A logical and convenient focal point of much anti-Jewish literature was the ghetto in which Jews had lived isolated from the rest of the population since the mid-sixteenth century, so it is here that we begin our discussion of Jewish life in Italy prior to Emancipation in in Rome.

Though the Rome ghetto, in the "foulest and ugliest part of Rome,"4 was far and away the most severe of the Jewish enclosures in the peninsula, ghettos in general were unhealthy areas of considerable poverty, "where thousands of Jews are crowded within a narrow compass, and lead a close, unclean, and multitudinous life, resembling that of maggots, when they overpopulate a decaying cheese.

Within its walls it bustled with activity with about three-quarters of its working population scrambling to survive as merchants and peddlers, another fifth as artisans, and a small percentage in some kind of service, generally clerking. The impoverishment of these people in the Rome ghetto, compelled to live in sub-standard conditions, remained essentially unchanged through most of the nineteenth century. When Massimo d'Azeglio visited the ghetto in , he came face to face with this enduring metaphor for inhumanity: There is a district which extends along the Tiber near the Quattro Capi bridge.


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The Rome Ghetto was visited by Nathaniel Hawthorne in Livi, Gli ebrei alla luce della statistica: Evoluzione demografica, economica, sociale Florence: Libreria della Voce, , vol. A population of 3, persons is squeezed into these huts where there's barely room for half that number.

The narrow, garbage-strewn streets, the lack of fresh air and the filth, which are the natural results of such forced crowding of people most of whom are poor, makes this [area a] gloomy, stinking and unhealthy slum. These wretched families live piled on top of each other with no regard for age or sex, health or circumstance with often more than one [family] in each room. This is not a [full] description of the Ghetto, nor does it even reflect a thousandth part of the grievous conditions, the silence and neglect of poverty unknown [on the outside], which can be found inside its walls.

Rather this is just a rough sketch because to do justice to it would require too much of me. It reinforced all of the age-old restrictions on Jewish life, some of which had fallen into disuse during the more humane reign of Pius' predecessor, Clement XIV. Designed to regulate all aspects of Jewish life as it related to the world surrounding the ghetto, the edict threatened physical violence for most transgressions. Thus, it was forbidden to pass the night outside the ghetto walls; to employ Christian servants, nurses, midwives, or even neighbors to light the Sabbath fires; to enter the parlors of convents or convent schools or churches, oratories, and hospitals, all under penalty of public flogging.

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Jewish women who attempted to impede the conversion of children, their own or others', would also be flogged, even though such conversion often included kidnapping and placement in the House of Catechumens resulting in permanent estrangement from the family. And any Jew who came within thirty "rods" of a House of Catechumens was to be punished with three "twists of the cord. They might, for example, celebrate funeral services and light candles for the dead in synagogues, but any sepulchral inscriptions or corteges were prohibited.

Strict cultural separation meant that there was to be no familiarity between Jews and Christians, whether at home or in public. This interdiction also extended to business dealings: thus Jews were prohibited from owning shops or lodgings outside the ghetto either in their own names or by proxy.

Monsters in the Italian Literary Imagination | Wayne State University Press

They could not sell meat, bread, or milk to Christians and Christian artisans could not make Jewish ritual objects. To avoid confusion in the population, the sciamanno or Jewish badge generally yellow, sometimes red was to be worn at all times, even inside the ghetto, by both men and women. But the most restrictive interdiction, and the one that caused the greatest general hardship throughout the Jewish communities of the Papal State, forbade Jews to work at any profession except that of robevecchi, rag-and-bone collector or old clothes peddler.

Jews in Piedmont, for example, were closely regulated, prohibited from owning property and from practicing most professions. Important research is currently being conducted on the conversionist mission of the Church, though with specific reference to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. See R.

The edict of forty-four clauses is rendered in full in A. For a detailed account of the legal position of Italian Jewry in the second half of the eighteenth century, V. For the Napoleonic era through fascism, G. Fubini, La condizione giuridica dell'ebraismo italiano dal periodo napoleonico alla Repubblica Florence: La Nuova Italia, See also G.

Where Jews found better living conditions was in regions with major ports. Even in the Papal State, the economic benefits to be derived from the commercial abilities and the international contacts of the Levantine Jews of Ancona was recognized in the sixteenth century and numerous concessions were granted them in an effort to develop the port. Except for brief periods of persecution similar to those that occurred regularly in the rest of the Papal State, the Jews of Ancona enjoyed a relatively privileged position throughout the eighteenth century.

Life for Jews in the port cities outside the Papal State, however, was considerably more rewarding. In the Republic of Genoa, for example, there were no ghettos. Jews were permitted to live among Christians and dress like them with no distinguishing badge. They could engage in manufacturing and employ Christian workers as well as own real estate. There were, of course, some restrictions: Jewish shops might be established only in the area of the free port and though Jews enjoyed free access to synagogue and cemetery, their funeral rites could not be held in public.

Tuscany was a similar case in point. Although the Jews of Florence and Siena were ghettoed together with their coreligionists gathered from the countryside,11 the port city of Livorno had a Jewish quarter known as ''The Ghetto" but no organized enclosure as such. Indeed Jews were actively welcomed to the city to develop commerce and manufacturing. Thus they were involved especially in printing, textile manufacturing, and the coral industry as well as international export of these goods.

Although the Livornese Jews thought of their city as "Little Jerusalem," the most important center of Jewish culture in the Mediterranean diaspora,12 the lack of major restrictions also allowed Jews a standard of living considerably higher than that of their other Tuscan brethren to the point where they could enjoy cultural life that transcended the limits of their Jewish community.

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An excellent description of the Florentine ghetto in the nineteenth century can be found in G. Conti, Firenze vecchia. Storia, cronica, aneddotica, costumi Florence: Bemporad, , Milano, Storia degli ebrei in Italia, Turin: Einaudi, , Vico and L. Muratori, among others; see G. Vico, Opere Milan-Naples: Ricciardi, , 66n67, ; Dizionario biografico degli italiani 4 : ; the Jewish poet, Salamone Fiorentino, was admitted into Arcadia in An important study of Jewish intellectual life in this period, especially for Livorno, is A.

Toaff, "Vita artistica e letteraria degli ebrei a Livorno nel ," Rassegna mensile di Israel 7 : Though the Republic of Venice was independent of the Holy See, the ghetto there had existed since and was later expanded to include three contiguous ghettos. The Jews were taxed for the upkeep of the area, but were not obliged to live in it.

Rather they could integrate themselves into the fabric of the city and surrounding areas and were primarily involved in export in Venice and silk manufacturing in Padua15 as well as the more humble occupations, chiefly money lending, as everywhere.

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This position of privilege was not a stable one, however, and Jews were not really free to do as they pleased. Rather Jewish wellbeing depended almost entirely on the commercial success of the city as a whole. When the republic was threatened with economic difficulties, the Jews were among the first to suffer. Just such a situation occurred in the s and in the Jews were presented with a Ricondotta, the Venetian version of the Papal Edict of , which effectively limited Jewish commercial competition with the exception of international export, which was not disturbed by banning Jews from several professions and set Jewish living standards back centuries.

In much popular literature, some of it directly inspired by the Church, to mention a Jew was to conjure up an image of a moneylender, rapacious and never satisfied, in whose life love of money had replaced human affection and greed had banished morality. Usurers preyed on non-Jews, for so they were commanded by the Talmud. They isolated themselves from Christians, for so it befitted the "chosen people" to live.

They were more content to dwell apart, for given their laws and customs, they envisioned different concerns and different goals for their people. They lived in the heart of every city and yet did not participate in city life, as if a nation within the nation. Nor did they have any ties to the land or to the solid values it represented.

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See C.